New rich should not just consume
Noblesse Oblige
By Jay Munir
Sitting between two boarding school students on a recent flight out of Hartford, I decided to strike up a conversation by
asking them what they wanted to do with their lives. The answers I received
from the teenagers, all centered around making greater and greater amounts of
money, were not unlike those one would probably hear from most people their
age. Their responses, however, were still an unsettling reminder of a marked
trend among members of the country's well-to-do classes.
Securing high-paying jobs, driving fancy automobiles, and buying vacation
homes have always been highly visible objectives of the rich. But for all the
deserved criticism that the well-off endure for their displays of excess, the
wealthy have played a pivotal role in the maintenance of the moderate political
and social traditions that have characterized American history.
A century ago, the appearance of the millionaire was accompanied by the
writings of men like Andrew Carnegie, who extolled the virtues of an economic
system which, for all its inequalities, offered every individual the
opportunity to get ahead. Soon after, the middle class reformers of the
Progressive Era worked to ensure that the ills of industrialized society were
addressed in order to stave off the more radical change advocated by those
disillusioned with American capitalism. A patrician Democrat initiated the
construction of a welfare safety net during the Depression, and individuals
with last names like Kennedy and Rockefeller have consistently been on the
front lines of battles for greater social justice in the political system.
Increasing numbers of today's upper classes, however, have largely abdicated
their role in maintaining stability within the social system. While yesterday's
wealthy liberals subscribed to the notion that those who succeed have an
obligation to assist those the system left behind, flat-taxers score big
political points in today's affluent suburbs. Instead of recognizing that
social peace is threatened by widening economic fissures, the more modern
answer seems to lie in constructing thicker walls around gated communities and
keeping public transport out of affluent areas.
Beyond the lofty ideals of American reformers, traditional liberalism has
always centered around the understanding that if issues of poverty and social
injustice are not addressed, the poor may simply take what they need from the
moneyed. Today, a more popular option is to stock cars with ever louder
security systems.
Perhaps the most salient explanation for this trend is the sense of
disillusionment many feel with liberal government programs designed to correct
social ills. It has become the norm to view plans like the Great Society as
failures of an over-extended and highly bureaucratized federal government. The
idea that the less significant the goals of a government program are the more
likely the program is to succeed is widely accepted by political commentators
and laymen alike. Who can blame them when Democrats and Republicans unite in
the position that, in the words of President Bill Clinton, LAW '73, "the era of
big government is over?" Most do not remember the times--before the advent of
programs like food stamps and Medicaid--when people were starving in the
streets and social unrest threatened to topple the existing social order.
With the stock market climbing to new heights, the federal budget deficit
shrinking, and the vast majority of Americans better off than they have been in
some time, the danger seems remote. While many recognize the fact that a
significant portion of America, particularly those in inner cities, are being
left out of the current national prosperity, it seems far easier to shut out
these enduring and frustrating problems and focus on one's own personal
success. Second homes, expensive vacations, and new computers mask the sense of
impotence many feel in addressing the country's problems.
The danger in this situation is that ignoring these pressing issues does not
cancel out the ineffectiveness of past efforts to aid the poor. If ambitious
government programs and higher taxes for the wealthy are not the solution, a
viable alternative must be created. The current laissez-faire attitude
pervading the policies of both parties will not dampen the deepening
frustration of those who feel they have no chance at attaining the wealth being
generated in the glass skyscrapers around them. As policies ranging from
Medicaid to affirmative action continue to take a beating inside and outside
the government, without new solutions to replace them, the threat that our
social divisions will explode becomes more worrisome.
The wealthy have an obligation to jumpstart efforts to address the country's
deferred social problems. Aiding those left behind in the wake of their success
will help ensure the survival of the country's moderate economic and political
policies. If moral arguments hold no sway, self interest should. If social
divisions manifest themselves in calls for radical change, all the car alarms
in the world won't protect the social peace and mass political moderation the
wealthy have often taken for granted.
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