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Understanding, reason needed for Israel dialogue

BY JOSH COHEN

War continues to rage across Israel and Palestine, where the violence of the past months has not subsided. Here at Yale, there are moments when the conflict comes to the fore: Israeli Defense Force (IDF) officers visit, protesters rally, and activists plaster posters. Yet as in Israel, nothing has provided any sort of resolution.

People line up on two sides—pro-Israel and pro-Palestine. Some factions defend Israel's use of military force while others condemn it. Some denounce Palestinian violence as terrorism, while others hail it as a revolutionary movement. The pro-Israel groups support Israel's actions and attack those who criticize them; the pro-Palestinian groups criticize Israel and its backers. Everyone seems interested in blame: who started the violence, who propagates the violence, who is right, who is wrong.

This approach, however, will never lead to resolution because no single person or party is to blame. At first, everyone pointed to Ariel Sharon as the origin of the violence, but his visit to the Temple Mount cannot justify several months' worth of bloodshed. He might have been a spark, but the powder keg obviously existed without him. Violence is not new to Israel—the IDF has been through many situations like the current one, and it is acting according to tactics and strategies that have been thought out and tried. Still, the Palestinian people have a right to a homeland. As Americans, we have no right to condemn the Israeli Army as it defends its own country, especially because America is not known for restraint and pacifism. Since Israel (like America) owes its independence in part to acts of terrorism (the Boston Tea Party and the King David Hotel bombings, among others), we also have little right to condemn the Palestinians. Trying to lay blame is a useless, counterproductive endeavor that stands in the way of peace, which should be both sides' ultimate goal.

To eventually resolve their conflict, Palestinians and Israelis must accept and understand each other's motivations and needs. They failed to reach this sort of understanding during the Camp David negotiations, and they certainly aren't getting anywhere now. Though shrapnel and bullets have clouded the issues of peace, the basic items are still relevant to the conflict—what about Jerusalem, and what about the West Bank? Palestinians need real access to the Muslim Quarter of Jerusalem, and the Israeli military needs to end its presence in the West Bank, even if that means the relocation of settlers. Still, the Palestinian side has to recognize Israel's legitimate security concerns and final position on Jerusalem. If both parties are truly committed to peace, then they need to keep bargaining until agreement is reached, despite the violence.

Unless the dialogue continues, violence will always be the alternative to peace. Arab leaders must realize that Israel will never back down—it cannot be eradicated, no matter what the PLO charter says—and violence simply amplifies hawkish sentiments in Israel. At the same time Israeli retaliation, though understandable, does little to alter the conflict. Neither side has anything to gain from the fighting. Israeli firepower is superior to that of the Palestinians, but no number of helicopter strikes will quell grassroots rebellion. Neither side is right, and neither side can win.

Any resolution to the conflict in the Middle East will appear as a lose-lose situation to both sides, but peace—no matter how bitter—is better than bloodshed. To achieve peace, both sides will have to make difficult concessions. Yet everyone must stop viewing these concessions as pro-Israel or pro-Palestine and instead see such compromises as pro-peace. At Camp David, Barak seemed willing to make very generous deals with Arafat over the thorny issues of peace, yet Arafat refused to compromise. He felt that he could not budge on matters concerning Jerusalem and the right of return for Palestinian refugees, but this sort of stubbornness leads directly to tension and violence. Now that Barak's efforts appear to have failed, Israel's right wing is gaining momentum, which will only slow the peace process more. Some question whether the Palestinians were ever genuine in their participation in the peace process, but this doubting also prevents an end to the violence.

The bottom line is that every day people are dying, and the only way to stop the fear and death is through peace—blame and accusation and anger are all futile. Palestinians need an independent state, but they need to be willing to accept a state with which Israel can co-exist. Otherwise, civilians and soldiers on both sides will continue to die. Josh Cohen is a freshman in Pierson.

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